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    Add as FriendAccentuation and phrasing in Romance: Occitan and French

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    1 : Accentuation and phrasing in Romance:Occitan and French Rafèu Sichel-Bazin1,2, Carolin Buthke1, Trudel Meisenburg1 1 Universität Osnabrück, 2 Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona) DFG-Projekt Intonation im Sprachkontakt: Okzitanisch und Französisch 1
    2 : STRUCTURE 1. Project and data 2. Theoretical background 3. General basic contour: LHiLH* 3.1 Initial accents 3.2 Pitch accents 4. Boundaries 4.1 Continuation contours and hesitations4.1.1 Continuation rise and sustained pitch4.1.2 Continuation fall 4.2 Utterance-final contours4.2.1 Upstepped last prenuclear rise4.2.2 Delayed peak 5. Conclusion 2
    3 : 1. PROJECT AND DATA Project “Intonation in contact: Occitan and French” 3
    4 : 1. PROJECT AND DATA – Occitan: word accent on the penultimate or ultimate – French: phrase final accent Northern (N-) French: close to standard French Southern (S-) French: in close contact to Occitan Data Situations survey (Prieto 2001, Neutral yes/no question: 2a1. You enter a shop where you never went before and you ask if they have mandarins. ? ‘Do you have mandarins?’ Confirming yes/no question: 2d6. John has said that he’d come for dinner. You ask him to confirm it. ? ‘You will come for dinner, right?’ Project “Intonation in contact: Occitan and French” Occitan and French prosody, accentuation and phrasing 4
    5 : 1. PROJECT AND DATA Summary of the fable “The North wind and the sun” (IPA 1999) Data Map task ( 5
    6 : 1. PROJECT AND DATA Corpus: speakers from La Cauna/Lacaune, Tolosa/Toulouse, Lille & Orléans 6
    7 : 2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Jun & Fougeron (2002), ~ Welby (2006): French Post (2000): syntactic approach, lexical accents, deletion process Di Cristo (2009): 7
    8 : 2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Occitan Hualde (2003a, 2004), Sichel-Bazin (2009): Tonal movements on syllables that are not metrically strong ? initial or secondary accents (Hualde 2003a) 8
    9 : 3. GENERAL BASIC CONTOUR Corresponding prosodic unit (accentual phrase, AP) French: determined by final (and optionally initial) accent Occitan: determined by lexical accent plus surrounding clitics = clitic group APs are organized into Intonational Phrases (IPs) – prenuclear AP(s) vs. nuclear AP – boundary tone(s) basic contour in Gallo-Romance intonation in all 3 varieties LHiLH* 9
    10 : ‘to move forward he folded up’ 3. GENERAL BASIC CONTOUR 10
    11 : 3.1 INITIAL ACCENTS Tonal movements on syllables that are not metrically strong Traditional “accent d’insistance” to signal emphasis (Carton et al 1976, Fónagy 1980, Astésano 2001) Possible features: Tonal rise (to variable height) Onset consonant strengthening (under emphasis) Intensity peak Usually no lengthening More frequent in cases of emphasis, but quite generalized today Marking of left boundaries (in support of phrasing) On initial syllables of first content word Also possible on clitics 11
    12 : 3.1 INITIAL ACCENTS in Occitan ‘to move forward he folded up’ 12
    13 : 3.1 INITIAL ACCENTS: clash conditions French: clash usually avoided Occitan: clash situations possible (Hualde 2003a) Spanish Initial rises possible in emphatic or didactic speech, clash said to be avoided Hualde 2003b, to appear: clash situations are marked, but accent correlates split up between syllables: 13
    14 : 3.1 INITIAL ACCENTS in French: clash conditions ‘he gets started to heat up, heat up’ 14
    15 : 3.1 INITIAL ACCENTS in French: clash conditions ‘who make a bet to…’ 15
    16 : 3.2 PITCH ACCENTS in our 3 varieties Obligatory accents on metrically strong AP-final syllables: Tonal movement (rising or falling) Eventually intensity peak Lengthening APs organized into IPs: 1 (or more) prenuclear accent(s), 1 nuclear accent nuclear accent: most prominent, normally rightmost D’Imperio et al (2007), French left dislocated IPs: – prenuclear and nuclear pitch accents differ in alignment and scaling properties: 16
    17 : 3.2 PRENUCLEAR vs. NUCLEAR ACCENTS Rising contours: similar observations for the 3 varieties Higher scaling of nuclear accents: due to H boundary tone? Differences in alignment: due to different pitch accent types? Differences in slope: convex in prenuclear accents > H*? concave in nuclear accents > LH* H%? But some prenuclear accents are actually LH*(especially in S-French and Occitan) ? more research needed 17
    18 : 3.2 PRENUCLEAR vs. NUCLEAR ACCENTS ‘the story between the North wind and the sun, …’ 18
    19 : 4. BOUNDARIES:4.1 CONTINUATION CONTOURS and HESITATIONS Continuation rise / sustained pitch: H% ‘the traveling man, er… tightens his coat’ 19
    20 : 4.1.1 CONTINUATION RISE S-French: on etymological schwa syllables ‘the coat of a traveling man who passes the…’ 20
    21 : 4.1.1 CONTINUATION RISE N-French: also on non etymological schwas ‘the story between the North wind and the sun, …’ 21
    22 : 4.1.1 CONTINUATION RISE Occitan: on different vowels ‘and then he wanted to make him lose the …’ 22
    23 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL Continuation fall: L% ‘and he tightened a coat’ 23
    24 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL: boundary tones Continuation fall: L% Utterance-final boundary tone: T# IP-final boundary tone: T% 24
    25 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL N-French: also on non etymological schwas ? continuation ‘make a competition’ 25
    26 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL N-French: also on non etymological schwas ? continuation or hesitation ‘who has… won… on… the North wind.’ 26
    27 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL Interrupted prosodic constituents: lengthening and falling contour ‘the coat of a traveling man who passes the…’ 27
    28 : 4.1.2 CONTINUATION FALL Interrupted prosodic constituents: lengthening and falling contour ‘and then he wanted to make him lose the …’ 28
    29 : 4.2 BOUNDARY TONES:UTTERANCE-FINAL CONTOURS Utterance-final contour: L* L# Pitch reaches the baseline of the speaker’s tessitura ? L# ? L% 2 types of last prenuclear contours: upstepped rise delayed peak 29
    30 : 4.2.1 UPSTEPPED LAST PRENUCLEAR RISE D’Imperio et al (2007) Last prenuclear AP in left-dislocated IPs: slightly different pattern – continuation rise pattern – nuclear configuration: rise – last prenuclear AP: downstep ? bigger contrast with IP-final rise Our data – Nuclear configuration: fall – Last prenuclear accent upstepped (LHi or LH*) ? bigger contrast with IP-final fall Due to an increased range in the focus domain? Focus domain: final, 2 APs – last or nuclear AP: falling contour – prenuclear AP: upstepped rising contour 30
    31 : 4.2.1 UPSTEPPED LAST PRENUCLEAR RISE ‘the one who would make him take off the jacket. The blazer.’ 31
    32 : 4.2.1 UPSTEPPED LAST PRENUCLEAR RISE ‘and decide to find out who is the strongest’ 32
    33 : 4.2.2 DELAYED PRENUCLEAR PEAKS Utterance-final contour: L* L# Last prenuclear AP-final rises: both L and H* targets may align later due to sentence type? ? cleft sentences syntactic boundary marked intonationally? AP basic contour in U-final conditions: HiL*? 33
    34 : 4.2.2 DELAYED PRENUCLEAR PEAKS ‘it is thus the sun who is the strongest’ 34
    35 : 5. CONCLUSIONS: BASIC CONTOUR OF APs Basic contour of APs in Gallo-Romance: LHiLH* Occitan AP = clitic group French AP = clitic group or bigger Prosodic marking of the AP: Left: initial phrase accent LHiMore research needed on • conditions provoking it • alignment • features splitting up in clash conditions Right: final pitch accent LH* Occitan: lexically defined position French: not lexically defined, but on last full syllable of a lexical word 35
    36 : 5. CONCLUSIONS: FRENCH SCHWA Final schwa S-French • only etymological schwas • schwas normally realized N-French: • etymological schwas normally not realized • non etymological schwas may be inserted at the end of APs 36
    37 : 5. FURTHER RESEARCH: role of feet? How are Occitan, S-French and N-French feet organized? In what may they differ? Do feet play a role in determining the AP maximal/minimal length? in the appearance of initial accents? in the assignment of prominences to syllables within APs? in the alignment of tonal targets? 37
    38 : 5. FURTHER RESEARCH: intermediate phrases (ip)? Different prosodic hierarchy in the 3 varieties? Occitan: AP= clitic group > ip > IP > U LHiLH* T- T% T# S-French: AP > ip > IP > U LHiLH* T- T% T# N-French: AP ? > IP > U LHiLH* ? T% T# Evidence for ips in Occitan and S-French: prosodic interdependence of certain APs presence of IP-internal boundary tones ... ? Further research needed 38
    39 : ?me?.se.'pla m??.''ku ?m??'ku.?
    40 : References Astésano, Corine (2001): Rythme et accentuation en français : Invariance et Variabilité Stylistique. - Paris: L’Harmattan. Carton, Fernand et al. (1976): L’accent d’insistance. Emphatic Stress. - Ottawa: Didier. Di Cristo, Albert (2009): Une approche intégrative des relations de l’accentuation au phrasé prosodique du français. - Journées CONSCILA. Regards croisés sur la prosodie du français. Paris, 27 mars 2009. D’Imperio, Mariapaola et al. (2007): Investigating phrasing levels in French: Is there a difference between nuclear and prenuclear accents? - In: Camacho, J. et al. (eds.). Selected Papers from the 36th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 97-110. Fónagy, Ivan (1980): L’accent français : accent probabilitaire (Dynamique d’un changement prosodique). - In : Fónagy, Ivan & Léon, Pierre R. (eds.): L’accent en français contemporain. - Ottawa: Didier, 123-233. Hualde, José Ignacio (2003a): Remarks on the diachronic reconstruction of intonational patterns in Romance with special attention to Occitan as a bridge language. - In: Catalan Journal of Linguistics 2, 181-205. Hualde, José Ignacio (2003b): El modelo métrico y autosegmental. - In: Prieto, Pilar (ed.): Teorías de la entonación. - Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, 155-184. Hualde, José Ignacio (2004): Romance Intonation from a Comparative and Diachronic Perspective. Possibilities and Limitations. - In: Contemporary Approaches to Romance Linguistics. Selected Papers from the 33rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL). Ed. by Julie Auger, J. Clancy Clements and Barbara Vance. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins, 217-237. 40
    41 : Hualde, José Ignacio (to appear): Secondary stress and stress clash in Spanish. - Proceedings of Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonology 4. The International Phonetic Association (1999): Handbook of the International Phonetic Asso-ciation. A Guide to the Use of the International Phonetic Alphabet. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jun, Sun-Ah & Fougeron, Cécile (2002): Realizations of Accentual Phrase in French Intonation. - In: Probus 14, 147-172. Post, Brechtje (2000): Tonal and phrasal structures in French intonation. The Hague: Thesus. Prieto, Pilar (2001): Notes sobre l’entonació dialectal del català: les oracions interrogatives absolutes. - In: Actes del Novè Col.loqui de la North American Catalan Society. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Sichel-Bazin, Rafèu (2009): Leading tone alignment in Occitan disapproval statements. Unpublished master thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Welby, Pauline (2006): French intonational structure: Evidence from tonal alignment. - In: Journal of Phonetics 34, 343-371. 41

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